استكشف المجموعة الواسعة من العناوين المتاحة.

This book develops a unified theory of economic statecraft to clarify when and how sanctions and incentives can be used effectively to secure meaningful policy concessions. High-profile applications of economic statecraft have yielded varying degrees of success. The mixed record of economic incentives and economic sanctions in many cases raises important questions. Under what conditions can states modify the behaviour of other states by offering them tangible economic rewards or by threatening to disrupt existing economic relations? To what extent does the success of economic statecraft depend on the magnitude of economic penalties and rewards? In order to answer these questions, this book develops two analytic models: one weighs the threats economic statecraft poses to the Target’s Strategic Interests (TSI); while the other (stateness) assesses the degree to which the target state is insulated from domestic political pressures that senders attempt to generate or exploit. Through a series of carefully crafted case studies, including African apartheid and Japanese incentives to obtain the return of the Northern Territories, the authors demonstrate how their model can yield important policy insights in regards to contemporary economic sanctions and incentives cases, such as Iran and North Korea. This book will be of much interest to students of statecraft, sanctions, diplomacy, foreign policy, and international security in general.

A concise book on Realpolitik: its origins as an idea; its practical application to statecraft in the recent past; and its relevance to contemporary foreign policy.

Mission Failure argues that, in the past 25 years, the U.S. military has turned to missions that are largely humanitarian and socio-political - and that this ideologically-driven foreign policy generally leads to failure.

This book explores \"lessons learned\" from the military intervention in Libya by examining key aspects of the 2011 NATO campaign. NATO's intervention in Libya had unique features, rendering it unlikely to serve as a model for action in other situations. There was an explicit UN Security Council mandate to use military force, a strong European commitment to protect Libyan civilians, Arab League political endorsement and American engagement in the critical, initial phase of the air campaign. Although the seven-month intervention stretched NATO's ammunition stockpiles and political will almost to their respective breaking points, the definitive overthrow of the Gaddafi regime is universally regarded as a major accomplishment. With contributions from a range of key thinkers and analysts in the field, the book first explains the law and politics of the intervention, starting out with deliberations in NATO and at the UN Security Council, both noticeably influenced by the concept of a Responsibility to Protect (R2P). It then goes on to examine a wide set of military and auxiliary measures that governments and defence forces undertook in order to increasingly tilt the balance against the Gaddafi regime and to bring about an end to the conflict, as well as to the intervention proper, while striving to keep the number of NATO and civilian casualties to a minimum. This book will be of interest to students of strategic studies, history and war studies, and IR in general.

Since the 1950s, Japan-Europe relations have been characterised by a mutual coldness in terms of diplomatic dialogue, punctuated by a number of trade disputes. This book analyses the development of the political and diplomatic relationship between Japan and Europe, and shows that – especially during the Cold War years – whilst they share a wide range of political values and goals, the quality of diplomatic relations has often been sacrificed to both overcome trade issues and as a result of systemic factors. Focusing on the institutionalization of relations between Japan and the EU, this book examines both the historical-diplomatic dimension and political-strategic discourse. It traces the historical development of the relationship from the post-war years, to the signing of the Japan-EU action plan in 2001, which marked a key turning point in the relationship. It goes on to examine the achievements and criticisms of ASEM, the Asia-Europe Meeting, which whilst meeting successfully for the past sixteen years, has also been condemned as little more than a talking shop. Crucially, Oliviero Frattolillo’s analysis clearly demonstrates how the interaction between Japan and the EU has been constructed on the basis of their perceptions of each other, thus underlining the inherent impact of different political identities, cultures and values on international relations. Providing a keen insight into Japan-EU relations, this book will appeal to students and scholars of Japanese and European history and politics, as well as those interested in the history of international relations and security studies.

01 02 Like all professions, diplomacy has spawned its own specialized terminology and it is this lexicon which provides the thematic spine of this dictionary. The Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Diplomacy also includes entries on legal terms and major figures who have occupied the diplomatic scene or have written influentially about it over the last half millennium, as well as some on international organizations of special significance. This third edition has been updated with new entries, for example on e-diplomacy, Ottawa process, R2P, stovepiping, and transformational diplomacy. The result is an even tighter focus on the language of diplomacy, while making coverage of it even more comprehensive than before. Students of international politics and related subjects as well as junior members of diplomatic services can turn to this book for assistance in understanding the technicalities of diplomatic and associated language. 16 02 There is no real competition. The only possible candidate is Chas Freeman's Diplomat's Dictionary, but it is not a proper dictionary. Most of the entries consist entirely of quotations (some multiple ones), the author supplying his own text only when he could not find a definition with which he agreed elsewhere. There remain huge gaps, and there is very little cross-referencing between entries – instead there is a 100-page index which takes up more than 20 per cent of the book. In short, it is little more than a collection of aphorisms under alphabetically organized catchwords, interleaved with the occasional term defined by the author. The internet provides the strongest competition. There are a few excellent, specialized glossaries, e.g. on 'Eurospeak' and treaty terms (see http://untreaty.un.org/English/guide.asp#exchange). However, there are no good general pages and it is often extremely difficult to find crisp, authoritative definitions of technical terms.   Wikipedia is very patchy and its authority always questionable. 04 02 Preface to the First Edition Preface to the Second Edition Preface to the Third Edition Notes on Using the Dictionary The Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Diplomacy Bibliography 13 02 G.R. BERRIDGE Emeritus Professor of International Politics at the University of Leicester, UK. His previous works include Talking to the Enemy (1994), Diplomacy: Theory and Practice, 4th edition (2010),and The Counter-Revolution in Diplomacy and Other Essays (2011). He was until the end of 2002 the General Editor of Palgrave Macmillan's Studies in Diplomacy Series. LORNA LLOYD is Senior Research Fellow at Keele University, UK. She has served as Convenor of BISA's Group on Diplomacy and has twice chaired the International Law Section of the ISA. Currently, she is on the committee of BISA's International History Group. She is Editor of Continuum's 'Key Studies in Diplomacy'. Her publications include Diplomacy with a Difference: The Commonwealth Office of High Commissioner 1880-2006 (2007). 19 02 Second edition of A Dictionary of Diplomacy , published in 2003, was highly successful Fully updated with new entries (for example e-diplomacy) and more traditional terms have been slimmed down Revised from a more 'British' dictionary to including more American and French terms Only one competing dictionary: Diplomat's Dictionary by former US diplomat Chas Freeman Regular updates and information on the Dictionary can be found on the G.R. Berridge's homepage 02 02 Indispensable for students of diplomacy and junior members of diplomatic services, this dictionary not only covers diplomacy's jargon but also includes entries on legal terms, political events, international organizations, e-Diplomacy, and major figures who have occupied the diplomatic scene or have written about it over the last half millennium. 31 02 This third edition of the highly successful Dictionary of Diplomacy has an even tighter focus on the language of diplomacy, while making coverage of it even more comprehensive than before 08 02 '...very useful, informative, and exceedingly well-written reference tool.' - Mark Y. Herring, American Reference Books Annual 'This dictionary will be of great benefit to all those who have to use or understand diplomatic terms - students and teachers of international relations, professional diplomats, and journalists.' - L. N Rangarajan, International Affairs 'This volume […] will demystify the language of diplomatic etiquette to students and casual readers alike.' - Malcolm Madden, Library, Royal Institute of International Affairs, UK 'The authors are to be commended in producing this dictionary. It will be extremely valuable to students, of course, but anyone interested in international relations will find it helpful in understanding the nature of modern diplomacy.' - Ian McGibbon, New Zealand International Review 'Most importantly...what remains unchanged is the value of this book as a reference source for anyone concerned with diplomacy...Libraries serving any of these clinet groups should obtain a copy.' - Tony Chalcraft, Reference Reviews

The United States must determine how best to promote long-term security and stability in the Persian Gulf region while seeking to reduce the risks and costs imposed by its role as a permanent regional power. The author analyzes Iraq's future, the role of Iran, asymmetric threats, regional reassurance, regional tensions, and the roles of other external actors. He then sets out criteria and requirements for a new regional security structure.

Making War and Building Peace examines how well United Nations peacekeeping missions work after civil war. Statistically analyzing all civil wars since 1945, the book compares peace processes that had UN involvement to those that didn't. Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis argue that each mission must be designed to fit the conflict, with the right authority and adequate resources. UN missions can be effective by supporting new actors committed to the peace, building governing institutions, and monitoring and policing implementation of peace settlements.

Why are countries often able to communicate critical information using diplomacy? Why do countries typically use diplomacy honestly, despite incentives to bluff? Why are they often able to deter attacks using merely verbal threats? International relations theory is largely pessimistic about the prospects for effective diplomacy, yet leaders nevertheless expend much time and energy trying to resolve conflicts through verbal negotiations and public statements.Deterrence by Diplomacychallenges standard understandings of deterrence by analyzing it as a form of talk and reaches conclusions about the effectiveness of diplomacy that are much more optimistic. Anne Sartori argues that diplomacy works precisely because it is so valuable. States take pains to use diplomacy honestly most of the time because doing so allows them to maintain reputations for honesty, which in turn enhance their ability to resolve future disputes using diplomacy rather than force. So, to maintain the effectiveness of their diplomacy, states sometimes acquiesce to others' demands when they might have been able to attain their goals through bluffs. Sartori theorizes that countries obtain a \"trade\" of issues over time; they get their way more often when they deem the issues more important, and concede more often when they deem the issues less important. Departing from traditional theory, this book shows that rather than always fighting over small issues to show resolve, states can make their threats more credible by sometimes honestly acquiescing over lesser issues--by not crying \"wolf.\"